Last Modified: December 25, 1996
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For Immediate Release
December 20, 1996
December 20, 1996
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
In my report to the Congress of June 21, 1996, I provided further information on the deployment of combat-equipped U.S. Armed Forces to Bosnia and other states in the region in order to participate in and support the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-led Implementation Force (Ifor). I am providing this supplemental report, consistent with the War Powers Resolution, to help ensure that the Congress is kept fully informed on continued U.S. contributions in support of peacekeeping efforts in the former Yugoslavia.
We continue to work in concert with others in the international community to encourage the parties to fulfill their commitments under the Dayton Peace Agreement and to build on the gains achieved over the last year. It remains in the U.S. national interest to help bring peace to Bosnia, both for humanitarian reasons and to arrest the dangers the fighting in Bosnia represented to security and stability in Europe generally. Through American leadership and in conjunction with our Nato allies and other countries, we have seen real progress toward sustainable peace in Bosnia. We have also made it clear to the former warring parties that it is they who are ultimately responsible for implementing the peace agreement.
Approximately 9,000 U.S. troops currently are deployed in Bosnia and Herzegovina under Nato operational command and control as part of the current Stabilization Force (Sfor) total of about 35,800. All Nato nations and 18 others, including Russia, contributed troops or other support to Ifor and most will continue to provide such support to the follow-on force, discussed below. Most U.S. troops are assigned to Multinational Division, North, centered around the city of Tuzla. In addition, approximately 6,900 U.S. troops are deployed to Hungary, Croatia, Italy, and other states in the region in order to provide logistical and other support to Sfor.
Consistent with United Nations Security Council Resolution (Unscr) 1031 (1995) and the North Atlantic Council decision of December 16, 1995, Ifor has now successfully accomplished its mission to monitor and ensure compliance by all parties with the military aspects of the Peace Agreement initialed in Dayton and formally signed in Paris on December 14, 1995. War no longer rages throughout Bosnia. Weapons have been cantoned, troops demobilized, and territory exchanged. While inter-ethnic tensions remain, the killing has ended and peace is taking hold. Building on its accomplishment of military tasks that established the necessary environment for civilian implementation, Ifor also assisted in the overall civilian implementation effort, including elections support, support to the international criminal tribunal and the facilitation of freedom of movement of civilian persons. Ifor also stood ready to provide emergency support to the United Nations Transitional Administration in Eastern Slavonia (Untaes).
In order to contribute further to a secure environment necessary for the consolidation of peace throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina, Nato has approved, and I have authorized U.S. participation in, an Ifor follow-on force to be known as the Stabilization Force (Sfor). The United Nations Security council authorized member states to establish the follow-on force in Unscr 1088 of December 12, 1996. Transfer of authority from Ifor to Sfor occurred on December 20, 1996. The parties to the Peace Agreement have all confirmed to Nato their support for the Sfor mission. In particular, Bosnia and Herzegovina has indicated that it welcomes Sfor.
Sfor's tasks are to deter or prevent a resumption of hostilities or new threats of peace, to consolidate Ifor's achievements, to promote a climate in which the civilian-led peace process can go forward. Subject to this primary mission, Sfor will provide selective support, within its capabilities, to civilian organizations implementing the Dayton Peace Agreement.
Nato has planned for an 18-month Sfor mission, to be formally reviewed at 6 and 12 months, with a view to progressively reducing the force's presence and, eventually, withdrawing. I expect the U.S. force contribution to Sfor to be about 8,500, less than half that deployed with Ifor at the peak of its strength. Many of the U.S. forces participating in Sfor are U.S. Army forces that were stationed in Germany. Other participating U.S. forces include special operations forces, airfield operations support forces, air forces, and reserve personnel. An amphibious force is normally in reserve in the Mediterranean Sea, and a carrier battle group remains available to provide support for air operations.
Ifor's withdrawal has begun, on a schedule set by Nato commanders, consistent with the safety of the troops and the logistical requirements for an orderly withdrawal. A covering force of approximately 5,000 troops, drawn primarily from the U.S. 1st Infantry Division, deployed to Bosnia in November to assist in Ifor's withdrawal. During Ifor's one-year mission, U.S. forces sustained a total of 13 fatalities, all resulting from accidents. Twenty-one American servicemembers were also injured in accidents. As with U.S. forces, traffic accidents, landmines, and other accidents were the primary causes of injury to Ifor personnel.
A U.S. Army contingent remains deployed in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as part of the United Nations Preventive Deployment force (Unpredep). This U.N. peacekeeping force observes and monitors conditions along the border with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, effectively contributing to the stability of the region. Several U.S. Army support helicopters are also deployed to provide support to U.S. forces and Unpredep as required. Most of the approximately 500 U.S. soldiers participating in these missions are assigned to the 2nd Battalion, 63rd Armor, 1st Infantry Division. A small contingent of U.S. military personnel is also serving in Croatia in direct support of the Untaes Transitional Administrator.
U.S. naval forces continued, until October 2, to assist in enforcing the U.N.-mandated economic sanctions as part of Nato's participation in Operation Sharp Guard. Because the economic sanctions have been terminated, U.S. naval activities in support of Operation Sharp Guard have ceased. U.S. naval forces will remain on call to provide assistance should economic sanctions be reimposed.
I have directed the participation of U.S. Armed Forces in these operations pursuant to my constitutional authority to conduct U.S. foreign relations and as Commander in Chief and Chief Executive, and in accordance with various statutory authorities. I am providing this report as part of my efforts to keep the Congress fully informed about developments in Bosnia and other states in the region. I will continue to consult closely with the Congress regarding our efforts to foster peace and stability in the former Yugoslavia.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
For Immediate Release
December 3, 1996
December 2, 1996
Dear Mr. Chairman: (Dear Ranking Member:)
In accordance with the provisions of section 490(h) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (Faa), as amended, I have determined that the following countries are major illicit drug-producing or drug-transit countries: Afghanistan, Aruba, The Bahamas, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Burma, Cambodia, China, Columbia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Hong Kong, India, Iran, Jamaica, Laos, Lebanon, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Syria, Taiwan, Thailand, Venezuela, and Vietnam. These countries have been selected on the basis of information from the March 1, 1996, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report and from other United States Government sources.
This year, I have added Aruba to the list of major illicit drug-transit countries. At the same time, I am adding the Netherlands Antilles to those countries that we monitor as potentially significant drug-transit countries. These already include Cuba, Turkey, the Balkan Route countries and the former poppy-growing countries of Central Asia.
Aruba. In the past 2 years, there has been a major shift in drug trafficking patterns, as enforcement activities in Mexico, the western Caribbean, and The Bahamas have pushed trafficking routes eastward. Taking advantage of the limited enforcement capabilities of most eastern Caribbean countries, Colombian drug syndicates have been routing U.S.-bound cocaine and heroin through the region. Consequently, countries that in the past have been peripheral to the drug trade have now taken on major roles that significantly affect the United States. While all of the eastern Caribbean is vulnerable to exploitation by traffickers, we have identified Aruba as a major drug-transit country. Aruba is situated on a major drug-transit route, with the vast majority of the cocaine and heroin that transits Aruba destined for the United States.
Cocaine trafficking through Aruba to Puerto Rico continues to involve both transshipment through Aruba and redistribution from Aruba as a hub to other locations. Cocaine is smuggled by ship via Aruba, using commercial vessels, cruise ships, pleasure craft, and fishing boats. In addition, according to the Dea, traffickers use Aruba's free-zone facilities to engage in transit of bulk shipments of cocaine without scrutiny by local officials. A substantial portion of the free-zone's businesses in Aruba are owned and operated by members of the Mansur family, who have been indicted in the United States on charges of conspiracy to launder trafficking proceeds. Netherlands Antilles. Analysis of the trafficking patterns indicates that there is considerable drug activity taking place around the Netherlands Antilles, especially around St. Maarten. Although, at present, we have only anecdotal information, it is possible that significant quantities of U.S.-bound drugs are involved.
Turkey and Other Balkan Route Countries. Although I am still concerned about the large volume of Southwest Asian heroin moving through Turkey and neighboringcountries to Western Europe along the Balkan Route, there is no clear evidence that this heroin significantly affects the United States. If in the future it is determined that heroin transiting Turkey, Bulgaria, Greece, the former Republic of Yugoslavia, Bosnia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia, or other European countries on the Balkan Route significantly affects the United States, I will add the relevant countries to the "majors" list.
Cuba. Cuba's geographical position astride one of the principal Caribbean trafficking routes to the United States makes it a logical candidate for consideration for the "majors" list. While there continue to be some credible reports that trafficking syndicates use Cuban territory (including waters and airspace) for moving drugs, it has not been confirmed that this traffic carries significant quantities of cocaine or heroin to the United States.
Central Asia. In 1996, the State Department conducted probe efforts in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, traditional poppy-growing areas of the former Soviet Union. These probes did not show significant opium poppy cultivation. If ongoing analysis reveals cultivation of 1,000 hectares or more of poppy, I will add such countries to the "majors" list at the appropriate time.
Major Cannabis Producers. While Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, the Philippines, and South Africa are important cannabis producers, they do not appear on the list since I have determined, pursuant to Faa section 481(a)(2), that in all cases the cannabis is either consumed locally or exported to countries other than the United States, and thus, such illicit cannabis production does not significantly affect the United States.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
For Immediate Release
March 11, 1996
March 8, 1996
Memorandum For The Secretary Of State
Subject: Eligibility of Slovenia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to be Furnished Defense Articles and Services Under the Foreign Assistance Act and the Arms Export Control Act
Pursuant to the authority vested in me by section 503(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, and section 3(a)(1) of the Arms Export Control Act, I hereby find that the furnishing of defense articles and services to the Governments of Slovenia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia will strengthen the security of the United States and promote world peace.
You are authorized and directed to report this finding to the Congress and to publish it in the Federal Register.
William J. Clinton
For Immediate Release
May 9, 1996
Room 450 The Old Executive Office Building Washington, D.C.
President Clinton: Good afternoon. Let me say once again what a pleasure it is to welcome to President Stephanopoulos to the White House. The alliance and the friendship between our two nations is anchored by our common commitment to freedom and democracy. Much of our discussions today focused on the work we are doing together to build a peaceful, democratic and undivided Europe. I was glad to have a chance to thank President Stephanopoulos for the leadership the Hellenic Republic has shown in resolving the problems in the Balkans -- from Albania to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
I also want to thank Greece, and especially its soldiers, for helping to safeguard the peace in Bosnia. Our Armed Forces are proud to stand with you, Mr. President, in this important mission of peace. The progress we are making there reminds us all that it is possible to choose the promise of the future over the conflicts of the past. This can be the case in the Aegean, as well. The United States will continue to help in any way we can tomake the region one of peace and opportunity for all its people.
As I emphasized to President Stephanopoulos, the United States strongly supports the principle of respect for international agreements and the territorial integrity of all nations in the Aegean region.
We are deeply concerned about the continuing dispute over the islet of Imia. I was personally involved in our efforts to convince our two Nato allies to pull back from their confrontation. And now we are trying to reduce tensions further and to settle the ownership question through an international tribunal. I believe the problems in the Aegean can and must be resolved through peaceful means -- without force or the threat of force.
We also discussed the issue of Cyprus -- something that has been of special interest to me since I became President. We hope to be able to take an initiative on Cyprus this year. A breakthrough in Cyprus could pave the way to further progress and be a model to other nations that are seeking peace.
Finally, I underscored to the President our commitment to fight terrorism. Greeks and Americans alike have been the victims of terrorist brutality at home and abroad. We know the pain and destruction it can bring, and we have a responsibility to do all we can to defeat it. We look to Greece to be a strong partner in this effort.
As an ally in Nato and a key player in the European Union, Greece is helping to shape the future of Europe and the next half century of our transatlantic partnership. The world's oldest
democracy is reaching out to Europe's newest democracies to build an undivided, integrated continent at peace. The United States looks forward to continuing our partnership and to benefitting the peoples of both of our countries and the entire world.
Again, Mr. President, welcome to Washington. The microphone is yours.
President Stephanopoulos: Thank you very much, Mr. President.
I would like to thank once more in the warmest and most sincere way President Clinton for his kind invitation, invitation which I accepted with great pleasure.
We held interesting talks in which we established once more the identical views on many important issues. The efforts of the United States of America for stability and peace in the Balkans find us in the same camp. Greece, as you know, contributes to the extent they can do to achieve the same objectives.
We discussed what we can do in order to establish peace for good in this turbulent area of the world, which was found in bloodshed for years and years. It is high time that this region of the world lives in peace and conciliation between its peoples. I assured President Clinton that Greece, vis-a-vis these countries, but also vis-a-vis Albania, for which there is common interests of the two countries, is showing the same political willingness in order to develop better political relations with one, of course, precondition, which I will reiterate: The perfect respect of the rights of the Greek minority and, more specifically, their right to practice their religion and to be educated in their own language, the Greek language, which they have spoken for centuries and centuries, as well as all the other Greeks.
We discussed for long the crisis in the Aegean, and I expressed once more the views of the Greek side in my own words, and as I see it, of course. And I have been very satisfied hearing Mr. Clinton reaffirming the principles of American policy, namely, respect of international principles, international treaties, territorial integrity of all states in the area. And I do believe that these principles, common principles, will finally and ultimately be implemented in the areas. So that this turbulent area of the world will live in peace and cooperation. There are other joint projects with the United States related to technology transfer, common educational programs, assimilation of democratic institutions in which Greece and the United States of America can play an extremely important role.
Our wish is to be useful to the international community. I believe that Greece, a member of the European Union, not only serves this European ideal of peace and cooperation, but also we continue to believe that the most important ally of Europe is, and will continue to be, the United States of America. With the cooperation between these two entities, the European Union and the United States, many things can be achieved. Greece will be present and participating in all these efforts.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Q Mr. President, on a domestic issue, yesterday you said that the White House and the Congress were closer together on a balanced budget plan than was ever reported in the press. And then the Republicans produced a plan that cuts back on their tax cuts and scales back on savings and domestic programs. Does that sound like a formula that you could go along with?
President Clinton: Well, I'm encouraged that they moved. I think that's encouraging. They abandoned the proposal to abolish the Department of Education, for example. That's a good thing, but I want to study the details of the program. But it appears to me that we still have significant differences and that they propose big cuts in education and in the environment, and to abolish the guarantee of coverage under Medicaid for poor children and the elderly in nursing homes and for families with family members with disabilities. And I think the Medicare number appears to be still too high. But I think it's a movement in the right direction.
There are other specific things that I have concerns about. Again, they seek to abolish the Direct College Loan Program, which has led to a lower costs, better terms, better repayments for large numbers of college students. They seek to abolish the national service program. There are a lot of things in there I don't agree with, but it is a movement in the right direction. And this is the point I am trying to make now, that what we ought to do is to resume our negotiations and reach an agreement and do what we did on this year's budget instead of having a replay of a unilateral take-it-or-leave-it deal, which is what was done in 1995.
And so I hope that this is the beginning of a process that will end in a negotiated seven-year balanced budget. We plainly have the savings in common to achieve it. And we are having a better year this year than we thought we were going to have on deficit reduction. And so we can get this done if we all do it together.
Mr. President, do you want to call on a Greek journalist?
President Stephanopoulos: Yes.
Q Mr. President, the average Greek is very concerned about the fact that the U.S. is supporting Turkey as a regional superpower -- arming Turkey and so on. You also talked about Europe's position to the use of force in the Aegean. The average Greek would like to know from you, sir, what will you do if Turkey is again going to use force in the area? What is the U.S. going to do? If I could just ask President Stephanopoulos, the senior Stephanopoulos in the room -- (laughter) -- what exactly did you ask the U.S. in terms of Greek-Turkish relations in this meeting?
President Clinton: First, let me say, I made my position abundantly clear and very clear to the Turks, including to President Demirel on his recent trip here. We do not favor -- we not only don't favor the use of force in the region, we don't favor any threats of the use of force. And we have two countries that are our allies in Nato with which we have good relations. And we want to try to facilitate a peaceful resolution of the disputes in the Aegean, of the issue of Cyprus. If Turkey and Greece could resolve their differences, the potential that they have of working together to stabilize the situation in the Balkans, to promote a Europe at peace and not torn asunder by ethnic and religious conflicts, to build a better future for all of us, is staggering.
So I'm going to do everything I can to keep down not only force, but the threat of force, so that we can have a peaceful resolution of all these agreements -- respecting territorial integrity, based on international agreements and without any force. That is clear. And I think the -- I do not expect there to be a situation in which force comes into play, because I think that the wisdom will prevail over passion and we'll avoid that.
President Stephanopoulos: I didn't come to the United States to ask for anything. That was not the purpose of my visit. Greece does not feel the need to ask anyone anything beyond the mere implementation of international treaties and rules of international law. This is the only demand of Greece.
I hope that the region will prevail more reasonable, more peaceful point of view. I think you do know, you and Mr. Papoulias, that there are threats of war against Greece. I hope, also, that these threats will be withdrawn sometime in the future. But if they're not withdrawn, especially if these threats materialize, Greece has the possibility to defend itself very, very effectively. I do not wish to raise the tone of the discussion, but I really do hope that we will not have this opportunity to defend ourselves. I do hope that we will be able to apply international law, and I also hope that our neighbor will realize the need that these differences, some differences which have some legal foundation -- and I mean, in this case, the Continental Shelf and Imia.
So I hope that Turkey realizes that the only solution is the resort to the International Court of Justice at The Hague. And in this instance, President Clinton's views and my views do coincide perfectly.
Q Since you came into office, you have promoted the Middle East peace process. But a Washington Post reporter writes from Cairo that Arab leaders and man on the street believe that because of your all-out support of Israel, including the attacks on the U.N. refugee camp, leaving 50 people killed, that you have lost your credentials as an even-handed, honest broker. What do you say to that?
President Clinton: Well, first of all I'd say, if you look at the fact that the United States has continued its aid to Egypt; if you look at what we have done to try to help Jordan to support its political, economic and military objectives as it has made peace with Israel; if you look at the efforts that we have made as a government, working with other governments and working with our citizens to try to support Mr. Arafat and what he is doing and to try to ensure that the Palestinian Authority will be successful; if you look at the terms of the agreement that the Secretary of State brokered to restore the cease-fire and to make it enforceable along the border of Israel and Lebanon; if you look at all those things, it seems to me that we have quite good credentials to be fair and balanced and to pursue the interests of all the people in the region.
But I would like to remind -- it's easy for the people in the region to forget because the shelling shocked everyone and the fighting, and the Israelis made no secret of the fact that they were dismayed by the deaths in the refugee center and that they did not intend to do it. But I would remind you that --
Q -- think they didn't know where it was?
President Clinton: I would remind you -- people make mistakes in war time. There are no such things as perfect weapons. Just because we're living in a high-technology age, if you think we can have sort of surgical battles in which there are never-ending unintended consequences, that just doesn't happen. It just doesn't happen.
But I would remind you that the Israelis were shelled. And their citizens were subject to shelling on the day -- starting the day I arrived in Israel after the Sharm el-Sheikh Conference, by people who didn't like the fact that we got together at Sharm el-Sheikh and who didn't want the peace to succeed. And so all -- you know, what we always said is that the Israelis had a right to defend themselves. We also support the United Nations resolution. We look forward to the day when Lebanon will be free of all foreign soldiers, when its sovereignty will be in tact, and when its people will live in peace.
I just talked yesterday to the Prime Minister of Lebanon on the telephone assuring him that I would do what I could to support the reconstruction of Lebanon, as well as the fair implementation of this agreement.
So I think if you -- as we move away from the understandable passions that were inflamed by the violence along the border, is that as time passes and the agreement is implemented, the people in the Arab world will look at what we have done with the Palestinians, with the Jordanians, with the Egyptians, with the brokering of this agreement and what its terms are. And I think they will see that the United States has been fair and honest. We never made any secret of the fact that we did not ever intend to support anybody who wanted to attack and destroy Israel. We never have and we never will.
Q Mr. President, as far as I know, your government worked on some plans for economic development for security, stability and peace in the Aegean Sea and Balkans. Would you like to say anything about that?
President Clinton: Is that a question for --
Q A question to you.
President Clinton: To me? (Laughter.) I'm hard of hearing, and unfortunately I was trying to put these on and I didn't need them. So would you ask the question again?
Q Of course. As far as I know, your government works on some plans for economic development for security, peace and stability in the Aegean Sea and the Balkans. Would you like to explain to us what exactly --
President Clinton: Well, right now, obviously, in the Balkans our main focus is on trying to make sure that the Dayton Agreement and the Paris Peace Agreement in Bosnia takes hold and works. We have also -- and we are working very hard on that. We have also had discussions with the President today about our hopes for the further progress and a final resolution of the difficulties between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I am encouraged by what has been done. But I think that is a very important part of stability and growth in the area.
And the President shared with me some of the things which are now being done between Greece and Albania. And we discussed, among other things, what could be done in terms of our partnership in spreading technology in the region in ways that would generate significant economic activity. So we discussed all these things. But most of our immediate money, right now, is going in to try to make sure that we succeed in Bosnia and then we want to build out from there.
President Stephanopoulos: I would like to answer that. Greece has many possibilities of its own to assist development and cooperation in the Balkans. And this is what we have been doing for a long time now. You very well know that Greek businessmen operate very effectively in our neighboring countries and there are many projects stemming from Northern Greece, from which we expect a lot of results. I do also know that the American contribution will be very important and very useful. There are many possibilities for U.S. businessmen to cooperate with Greek businessmen. Greek businessmen know better than anyone else the local conditions. So U.S. and Greek businessmen should work together in order to enhance economic and industrial cooperation in the area.
As far as the Aegean is concerned, local differences should be resolved first before envisaging further cooperation, without this meaning that we exclude cooperation at this point in time. We have established all forms of cooperation with all countries, and we aspire to this cooperation also with the Turkish side. I hope that the time will come when this trade and economic cooperation will be our sole concern.
Q The testimony that you gave a few weeks ago for the McDougal-Tucker case is going on in Little Rock right now and is expected to be played this afternoon. I wonder if you could tell us what you want Americans to understand from what you said in your testimony, what you want the jury to understand; and, also, if you still object to the release of the videotape publicly?
President Clinton: Well, my testimony will speak for itself. It will be fairly straightforward. All I want the American people to understand is that I was asked to testify because they thought I might have some evidence that was helpful and I was glad to testify. And then what I said will be a matter of public record when it's run. If it's run this afternoon, it will be.
I believe the press should have access to my testimony. I just think that it ought to be treated like everybody else's testimony in federal court, and it shouldn't be subject to abuse or misconstruction. I think it's a very straightforward -- it was a very straightforward set of questions, at least most of it, and I gave him the best, direct, straightforward answers I could. I don't think it's a very big deal, but I did my best to answer the questions that were asked of me.
Thank you.
Q You were basically being asked to refute testimony -- participate in a fraudulent deal --
President Clinton: I didn't say anything different in the trial that I haven't said in public on that.
Q Mr. President, are you planning a Camp David summit for Greece and Turkey over the Aegean issue?
President Clinton: I guess the short answer right now is no, but what I am planning to do is to stay in close touch with this issue. I am encouraged that the representatives of Greece and Turkey have already met once and intend to meet again in Berlin in the next few weeks, and seem to be moving toward a resolution along the lines of the standards that the President and I have both endorsed today -- along the lines of respect for international agreements, respect for territorial integrity, no force, no threat of force. We believe that is very important.
If it becomes obvious at some point in the future that the United States could constructively play a larger role and that both parties are willing to have that done; I wouldn't rule that out. But I think the important thing is that the parties themselves have to resolve this difference, and they have to agree about the way it's going to be resolved. And I believe that the principles I just laid out had to be embraced by both sides in order for any success to occur.
But I will say again -- let me just say again -- I believe if the differences in the Aegean and the differences over Cyprus could be resolved so that Greece and Turkey, that are allies in Nato, could become in a general sense better partners, the impact on the whole future of Europe, the whole future of the linchpin area of the Balkans, the connection of that area of Europe down to the Middle East -- and therefore the impact on all of us -- the positive impact would be breathtaking.
So the rest of the world has a lot riding on whether Greeks and Turks can resolve their differences. So quite apart from the enormous interest that we have in the United States because of our large number of Greek-Americans, we know that the whole world has a lot riding on this. And so if there is anything we can do, we'll do it.
But right now, the parties are trying to work it out for themselves, and I think they deserve a lot of support for that, and encouragement.
Thank you.
Yes, please, Mr. President.
President Stephanopoulos: Allow me to add that you're advancing things with your question. Greece has clarified what we can accept in terms of dialogue with Turkey. We have clarified that no dialogue is possible right now, because it is condemned to failure. If Turkey doesn't accept to send the Imia question to the International Court of Justice at the Hague, then the second precondition is the resolution of the Continental Shelf question through the same way.
So we do not deny dialogue. But we want dialogue, provided dialogue is realistic and that it doesn't affect the sovereign rights of Greece and that it will be carried out according to international treaties and international law. So we should not talk about something which need not be realized now.
President Clinton: Thank you all very much. See you this evening.
End 1:15 P.M. Edt
For Immediate Release
May 9, 1996
The South Lawn The White House
10:13 A.M. Edt
President Clinton: President Stephanopoulos, members of the Greek delegation, distinguished guests. On behalf of the American people, I am delighted to welcome President Stephanopoulos to the White House.
It is an honor to return the warm hospitality the people of Greece showed the First Lady when she visited their wonderful country in March.
Two thousand five hundred years ago, the birth of democracy in Greece lit the landscape of Western civilization. Greek architecture, poetry, philosophy and law set new standards for human achievement -- and new measures for human progress. Today, we Americans share with Greece the glory of that ancient legacy. We join with Greece -- our ally and friend -- in raising democracry's flag around the world.
For half a century, from World War Ii to the Persian Gulf, our nations have stood together in defense of shared ideals. Now, we are working to build a bright future of security, prosperity and peace. The strengthening of our relations in recent years has paved the way to closer cooperation to the benefit of our own people and all the world.
In Bosnia, our soldiers serve side-by-side to help the peace take hold. Throughout the Balkans, from Albania to the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, American looks to Greece to be a force of peace and stability. And we must stand as one against the deadly scourge of terrorism. May I express, once more, on behalf of all Americans our deep condolences to the families and friends of the 17 Greek citizens who were murdered in Cairo last month.
The partnership between America and Greece is reinforced by the bonds of family. All across our country, Americans of Greek descent have added to the richness and the warmth of America's quilt. The values they have brought here to their adopted home -- love of family, faith and community, taking responsibility, working hard -- have flourished in America, and they have helped America to flourish.
Mr. President, among the countless gifts that Greece has shared with the world, few capture the human heart like the Olympics. This year, the United States is proud to host the centennial of the modern Olympic Games. The torch that Hillary had the honor to kindle when she visited your country in Olympia, carries the spirit of the past, the promise of this moment, and our common hopes for the future. May its flame burn as strong as the enduring ties between America and Greece.
Again, Mr. President, we welcome you and ask for your remarks. (Applause.)
President Stephanopoulos: Mr. President, allow me to warmly thank you for your so kind words. It is my particular pleasure to convey to you the warm greetings of the entire Greek people, the greeting the Greek people extend to the friendly American people and its leadership.
I sincerely welcome our meeting, which reflects the excellent relations between the two countries, as well as the friendly feelings of your country for Greece; a country which, like the United States of America, continuously proves its commitment to the ideals of freedom, democracy and international law and order.
The longstanding Greek-American relations are inspired from the ideals of classical democracy, as well as those of modern parliamentiarism. This multifaceted relationship transcends time and goes beyond any conventional concept since it is deeply rooted in a long common heritage.
This relationship is further enhanced thanks to the presence in the United States of America of an important and flourishing community of Americans of Greek descent with a remarkable contribution in every field of life and in all the achievements of your great country.
Mr. President, the close friendship and the common values cherished by our two peoples have their origins in the beginnings of our states, which emerged from bloody struggles for freedom, dignity and human rights.
It is no coincidence that the founding fathers of American democracy -- such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Payne, but above all, the great President Thomas Jefferson -- all of them brought up in classical education, laid the foundations of the then-fledgling, albeit pioneering and dynamic, democracy on Greek culture. The invaluable and unlimited support that the United States provided to my country during its struggle for national independence is a golden page in the history of the continuous commitment of our peoples for universal ideals.
This warm solidarity, which created an indissoluble bond, was underlined by such pioneers as Daniel Webester and Edward Everett, yet it reached its highest form of expression in a letter that President Jefferson addressed to the great Greek writer of the Enlightenment, Heremandius Kourais (phonetic).
Thomas Jefferson wrote at the time, "No people sympathizes more feelingly than ours with the suffering of your countrymen. None offer more sincere ardent praise to Heaven for their success. You are," continues Jefferson, "the first civilized nation that presented examples of what man should be."
It is true, Mr. President, that the Greek people hold the achievements of your great nation in the fields of science and technology in great respect. But it is also true that their admiration becomes even greater when they realize that the efforts of the United States of America, wherever deployed, aim at the implementation of our common principles and at supporting international law and order, our final goal being for justice and peace to prevail.
Today, Greece plays an active role in the changing area of southeastern Europe, while cooperating peacefully and productively in the framework of equity with its neighbors, its partners in the European Union, as well as her friends all over the world. Yet, in this effort, Greece is confronted with certain obstacles. My country deals with them in a peaceful manner, fully abiding by the principles of the United Nations and by international treaties.
As you are aware, Mr. President, the longstanding traditional ties between our nations were further enhanced and
solidified during difficult times, such as the two world wars. I firmly believe that our cooperation and our common cause will continue to serve a common policy of peace and friendship in a world that will ultimately live in the framework set by the United Nations' charter -- a world where states will be complying with their international obligations, abstaining from the use of force and the mere threat of use thereof, and where they will solve any differences between them using the peaceful means provided for by the charter.
Mr. President, I am confident that my visit will contribute to an even better mutual understanding between our nations -- we are friends and allies -- as well as to further strengthening of our relations and promoting our cooperation in areas of common interest. My country, Mr. President, has remained committed to its friendships and alliances despite the hardships it has endured through its history. Greece will continue to abide by those principles for which she has made a lot of sacrifices -- principles which found their first and perfect expression in ancient Greek culture.
Thank you so much. (Applause.)
End 10:30 A.M. Edt
For Immediate Release
May 9, 1996
The Oval Office
10:45 P.M. Edt
President Clinton: Let me say that it is a great honor for me to welcome President Stephanopoulos here to celebrate the ties that bind the United States and Greece. And we look forward to discussing the many, many issues between our two countries, including the situation in the Aegean, which we strongly feel should be resolved without any force or threat of force, according to the international agreements and with respect to the territorial integrity of all parties involved.
I'm looking forward to this, and I'm very glad you're here, Mr. President.
Q Are you afraid of a trade war with China, Mr. President?
President Clinton: Excuse me?
Q Are you afraid of a trade war with China?
President Clinton: No, I don't think so. The United States, I think, has been more open to Chinese products than any other country. We buy an enormous percentage of their exports, a far larger percentage than our share of the world economy. And we are -- tried to aid the transition of the Chinese economy and to have a constructive relationship with them, but we have a right to preserve the integrity of our own laws and especially our intellectual property laws.
The United States has been fortunate to lead the world in the production of a lot of electronics and computer related equipment and software. And the products of the mind and the laboratories in America should be protected under international agreements, and they should be entitled to that in every country. That's all we ask.
Q Do you expect them to budge before May 15th?
President Clinton: Well, I hope we can resolve the differences between the two countries before May the 15th. We're working hard on it. I hope we can. And we'll do our best to resolve it.
The President would like to make a statement.
President Stephanopoulous: I now want to say how pleased I am to be in the United States on an invitation for such a State Visit. I would like to convey to the American people the greetings of the entire Greek people and their admiration. The Greek people are fully aware of the fact that democracy is founded on efforts such as the ones that the United States and Greece make, and based on the ideals that our two countries express.
And I would like to assure you that the problems that arise in the Aegean are not at all our responsibility. We always try, and we succeed, in behaving according to international law.
Thank you, Mr. President.
President Clinton: Thank you very much.
* * * * *
Q Good morning, Mr. President.
President Clinton: Good morning. Have we got everyone in? Let's wait until we have everyone in.
Q There are two Stephanopouloses in the same office.
President Clinton: There are two Stephanopouloses in the same office.
Q How do you feel about it?
President Clinton: I feel very good about it. I asked George this morning if there are any relations between himself and the President and he said he had been searching for one desperately, but he hadn't yet found it. (Laughter.) He was still hoping to find one.
Let me say, first, how very pleased I am, on behalf of all the people of the United States, to welcome President Stephanopoulos here. The ties between America and Greece are well known. The vitality, the importance of the Greek-American community to our country, I think, is well known to the people of Greece. But our partnership for so many years now has meant a great deal to the United States, and I look forward to working to strengthen it.
I also look forward to our discussions of a wide variety of issues. I know we will discuss the matters in the Aegean. I want to say again that we believe these matters should be resolved according to international law, without any force, without any threat of force, and respecting the territorial integrity of all the parties. And we believe that a lot of progress can be made in that part of the world, and that the future of Europe and the future of the Mediterranean region and, indeed, to a large extent the future of democracy everywhere depends upon our ability to work in good faith to work through those issues.
So I'm looking forward to this meeting, and very pleased to have the opportunity to host it.
Q Mr. President, a month ago in this same office, you had a meeting with the Greek Prime Minister and you had discussed about these problems we had with Turkey. Do you think there is any chance for Turkey to go to the International Court? Do you have any information about that from Ankara?
President Clinton: Well, I believe there is a chance. I was encouraged. Of course, the representatives of the two countries met in Bucharest recently, and I believe will meet again in Berlin soon. And I think there is a good chance it can be resolved. I believe we have taken a position that is the proper one, and I believe it's consistent with the position that the Greek government has staked out.
Q How will you define the role of Greece in the Balkans?
President Clinton: Excuse me?
Q How will you define the role of Greece in the Balkans?
President Clinton: Well, first of all, I want to thank Greece for their support of the operation in Bosnia, and the President, in particular, I know, has tried to play a constructive role in dealing with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, in dealing with the problems in Albania.
I believe that Greece will have to be involved in order to have a comprehensive resolution of the problems in the Balkans, and goodness knows we have worked hard for that. And we have seen in the last few years what a terrible price we pay if the problems are not resolved peacefully in the Balkans.
Q Anything on Cyprus, Mr. President? On Cyprus issue? On Cyprus?
President Clinton: Well, as you know, I have spent quite a lot of time myself on the Cyprus issue in the last three and a half years. I am sorry that it hasn't produced any more positive results. But we are exploring now the possibility of what else we can do there, and I want to discuss that with the President. And I'm hopeful that the United States can play a constructive role there. And I'm hopeful that it can be resolved. But that is something we need to discuss.
The Press: Thank you.
End 10:55 A.M. Edt
For Immediate Release
April 9, 1996
12:12 P.M. Edt
President Clinton: Let me say, it's a great honor for me to welcome Prime Minister Simitis here, along with his party. Greece has been a long and strong ally of the United States, and I'm looking forward to discussing a number of issues, including how we can be helpful in resolving some of the difficulties in the Aegean.
Let me say, first of all, that I think all these issues should be resolved without the use of force or the threat of force, with both parties agreeing to abide by international agreements and with a mutual respect for territorial integrity. With regard to the Imia question, the United States has already said we believe it should be submitted to the International Court of Justice or some other international arbitration forum.
I also want to thank Greece for its leadership in trying to resolve the problems in the future of the Balkans in a positive way. Greece is participating in Ifor and is working with the challenges presented in Albania, the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, in a number of other ways.
And, finally, I hope we have a chance to talk about Cyprus a little bit. This has been an area of intense interest for me since I became President, and I hope that we can do more in that area to help that situation to be resolved.
Q Mr. President, are you concerned about the investigation of Iranian arms shipments to Bosnia during the war?
President Clinton: No.
Q Did you allow it to happen?
President Clinton: Our record on that is clear. Mr. Lake has talked about it. There was absolutely nothing improper done.
Q You know, Bob Dole supported lifting the arms embargo and now he is talking about possible investigation of the flow of arms. What do you think is going on there, Mr. President?
President Clinton: He also took the position that we had the right to unilaterally lift it.
Q What do you think his motives are, though?
President Clinton: You all can comment on what is going on. I'm just going to try to do my job.
The Press: Thank you.
* * * * *
President Clinton: Hello. Is everyone in? Let me say, first of all, it's a great honor for me, on behalf of the United States, to welcome Prime Minister Simitis here. I have already had the opportunity to thank him for the wonderful welcome that my wife and daughter received from the government and from the people of Greece recently. We have a number of things to discuss. I hope the United States can be helpful in resolving some of the problems in the Aegean.
At the outset, let me say, we believe that all these issues should be solved without the use of force, without the threat of force, with everyone agreeing to abide by international agreements and to respect the territorial integrity of other countries.
With regard to the Imia situation, the United States has long said that we favor the resolution by referring the matter to the International Court of Justice or some other international arbitration panel, and we feel very strongly that these things have to be resolved.
I want to have an opportunity to thank the Prime Minister for the leadership that Greece has shown in resolving problems in the Balkans, involving Albania, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and participating in Ifor in Bosnia. And I think that the future of the Balkans as a secure and peaceful and, hopefully, more democratic place requires the leadership of Greece. And so I'm looking forward to that.
And finally, I hope we have a chance to talk a little bit about Cyprus. Cyprus has been an area of special interest to me since I became President. I spent an awful lot of personal time on it, and we intend to explore this year whether there is something else we can do to help resolve that matter, because I believe that if that could be resolved, then that would open the way for a whole new future for the region and great new possibilities for all of its people.
Q Mr. President, can you tell us what role the U.S. would play in Greek-Turkish relations, and what is the U.S. position on the sovereignty issue of the Imia islet?
President Clinton: Well, I just said, I think it ought to be decided by the International Court of Justice. I think the United States -- since we have been -- this is a delicate thing. We hardly have had a longer and stronger ally than Greece in the United States, and we have had -- we obviously have worked with the Turks and have had good relationships with them. And the differences between Greece and Turkey are a source of great concern to us.
But we believe they can be worked out if there is adherence to international agreements, nobody uses force or threatens to use force, and there is a genuine respect for territorial integrity, and an understanding that if you look -- if you try to imagine what the future will look like 10, 15, 20 years from now, and what the probable challenges to the freedom and the prosperity of the people of Greece are, and the people of the United States, from around the world, obviously, that future would be much more secure if the differences between Greece and Turkey could be resolved.
Q -- and what did he say?
President Clinton: I said the same thing to him I'm saying to you. I find in this world, you know, since we have a global press, you have to say the same thing to everyone. (Laughter.) So I said exactly the same thing to him I said to you.
Q Do you see a specific role of Greece in the Balkans?
Prime Minister Simitis: Can I say a few words?
President Clinton: Sure, it's your press.
Prime Minister Simitis: It's very important for us to be here and to discuss matters of common interest with President Clinton. Greece aims on the one hand to improve the bilateral relations with the United States; on the other hand, we want to promote stability, peace, and prosperity in our part of the world, the European Union, the Balkans, and the Eastern Mediterranean. In order to achieve these targets, we want to discuss matters as European integration, cooperation with Balkan countries, our relations with our neighbors in Turkey, and the Cyprus issue.
As far as the relations with our neighbors are concerned, we think that certain principles must be applied. The first principle is that no one can use force or use the threat of force. The international treaties and international law must be applied. And finally, the resolution of disputes must be realized with the help of the International Court of Justice.
I hope that with these discussions, and I'm sure -- there will be progress in these matters and we will have in this part of the world a new development that is positive for stability and peace.
Q Sir, is there a specific initiative that you will undertake to de-escalate tension?
President Clinton: I have already told you what my position is. I want to have a chance to meet with the Prime Minister, and we will be talking more later.
The Press: Thank you.
End 12:21 P.M. Edt
For Immediate Release
February 9, 1994
In extending formal recognition, we have taken into account The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's commitment to peaceful cooperative relations and its respect for the territorial integrity of all of its neighbors and the inviolability of existing boundaries. Establishment of diplomatic relations will take place upon receipt of assurances regarding matters of importance to the U.S., including respect for CSCE norms and principles, enforcement of UN imposed sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro, and a commitment to work constructively with the United Nations to resolve differences with our long time ally Greece.
We recognize that Greece and The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia have outstanding differences which we expect will be resolved through good faith negotiations. We further expect that our recognizing The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia will encourage flexibility in addressing the symbolic and constitutional issues which separate the two parties so that they can overcome the problems that stand in the way of a normal bilateral relationship. We believe that lasting peace and stability in the Balkans depends on states' mutual respect and adherence to CSCE principles. We also take note of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's commitment to democratic principles, to human rights, to the creation of an open, free market economy and to its desire to seek peaceful solutions to problems in the region.
For Immediate Release
January 10, 1994
January 8, 1994
Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)
Six months ago I provided you with my initial report on the deployment of a U.S. peacekeeping contingent as part of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. I am now providing this follow- up report, consistent with the War Powers Resolution, to ensure that the Congress is kept informed about this important U.S. contribution in support of multilateral efforts in the region.
As a significant part of U.N. efforts to prevent the Balkan conflict from spreading and to contribute to stability in the region, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution 795 (1992) authorizing the presence of UNPROFOR for peacekeeping purposes in Macedonia. In early 1993, a Nordic battalion was deployed to Macedonia with the mission of monitoring and reporting developments along the northern border that could signify a threat to the territory of Macedonia. Consistent with U.N. Security Council Resolution 842 (1993), the United States augmented the UNPROFOR Macedonia peacekeeping force with a combat-equipped U.S. Army contingent. The U.N. Security Council extended the UNPROFOR mandate in Resolution 871 (1993). Our U.S. Armed Forces personnel have served with distinction in Macedonia continuously since their arrival in early July 1993.
The peacekeeping operations in Macedonia have been conducted safely and effectively, and I am certain that you share my pride in and appreciation for the superb efforts of the Americans who are contributing so much to the UNPROFOR Macedonia mission. Unsurprisingly, the U.S. Army personnel received high praise from the U.N. Commander, Danish Brigadier General Thomsen, for their outstanding professionalism and capabilities, which enabled them quickly to assume an integral role in the force. Upon receiving orientation and training on the mission at UNPROFOR headquarters in Skopje, the U.S. unit began conducting observation and monitoring operations along the northeastern section of the Macedonian border with Serbia. The U.S. contribu- tion has thus enhanced UNPROFOR's coverage and effectiveness in preventing a spillover of the conflict, and has underscored the U.S. commitment to the achievement of important multilateral goals in the region.
As always, the safety of U.S. personnel is of paramount concern. U.S. forces assigned to UNPROFOR Macedonia have encountered no hostilities, and there have been no U.S. casualties since the deployment began. The mission has the support of the government and the local population. Our forces will remain fully prepared not only to fulfill their peacekeeping mission but to defend themselves if necessary.
On December 14, 1993, elements of the U.S. Army Berlin Brigade's reinforced company team (RCT) assigned to UNPROFOR Macedonia began redeploying to Germany as part of the normal rotation of U.S. forces. Lead elements of a similarly equipped and sized RCT began arriving in Macedonia on December 27, 1993. The approximately 300-person replacement unit -- Task Force 1-6, from 1st Battalion, 6th Infantry Regiment, 3d Infantry Division (Mechanized), Vilseck, Germany -- assumed the mission on January 6, 1994.
The U.S. contribution to the UNPROFOR Macedonia peacekeeping mission is but one part of a much larger, continuing commitment towards resolution of the extremely difficult situation in the former Yugoslavia. I am not able to indicate at this time how long our deployment to Macedonia will be necessary. I have continued the deployment of U.S. Armed Forces for these purposes in accordance with section 7 of the United Nations Participation Act and pursuant to my constitutional authority as Commander in Chief and Chief Executive.
I am grateful for the continuing support of the Congress for U.S. efforts, including the deployment of U.S. Armed Forces to Macedonia, towards peace and stability in the former Yugoslavia. I remain committed to consulting closely with the Congress on our foreign policy, and I look forward to continued cooperation as we move forward toward attainment of our goals in the region.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
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